Funny Religion Quotes Why Discrimitae When You Can
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Quotations on the topic of Discrimination
Some quotes and extracts from speeches, reports, and books, on the subject of discrimination in Northern Republic of ireland.
'A man in Fintona asked him how it was that he had over 50 percent Roman Catholics in his Ministry. He thought that was too funny. He had 109 of a staff, and so far as he knew in that location were four Roman Catholics. Three of these were civil servants, turned over to him whom he had to accept when he began.'
Sir Edward Archdale, Unionist Party, Government minister of Agriculture, Stormont, 1925
Reported in: Northern Whig, 2 April 1925
"Some other accusation made against the Government and which was untrue, was that, of 31 porters at Stormont, 28 were Roman Catholics. I have investigated the thing, and I discover that there are 30 Protestants, and only i Roman Catholic there temporarily."
J. M. Andrews, Unionist Party, Minister of Labour, Stormont, 1933
Quoted in: Harrison, Henry (1939), Ulster and the British Empire 1939: Help or Hindrance?, London: Robert Hale.
'There was a bully number of Protestants and Orangemen who employed Roman Catholics. He felt he could speak freely on this subject as he had non a Roman Cosmic about his ain place (Cheers). He appreciated the great difficulty experienced past some of them in procuring suitable Protestant labour, simply he would point out that the Roman Catholics were endeavouring to make it everywhere and were out with all their force and might to destroy the power and constitution of Ulster. ... He would appeal to loyalists, therefore, wherever possible to employ practiced Protestant lads and lassies.'
Sir Basil Brooke, Unionist Party, then junior government whip, 12 July 1933
later to get Lord Brookeborough and Northern Ireland Prime Minister
Reported in: Fermanagh Times, 13 July 1933;
Quoted in: Hepburn, A. C. (1980), The Conflict of Nationality in Modern Ireland, London: Edward Arnold (Documents of Modern History serial). Page 164.
"When I made that declaration last �twelfth� I did and so after careful consideration. What I said was justified. I recommended people not to apply Roman Catholics, who were 99 per cent disloyal."
Sir Basil Brooke, Unionist Party, so Minister of Agriculture, 19 March 1934
later to become Lord Brookeborough and Northern Ireland Prime Minister
[Reported in: Belfast News Letter of the alphabet, 20 March 1934];
Quoted in: Commentary upon The White Paper (Cmd.558) entitled 'A Tape of Effective Change' (1971)
Sir James Craig, Unionist Party, then Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, 20 March 1934
Reported in: Parliamentary Debates, Northern Ireland Firm of Commons, Vol. Xvi, Cols. 617-618.
"I suppose I am nigh every bit high up in the Orange Institution as anybody else. I am very proud indeed to be Thousand Chief of the loyal County of Downwardly. I accept filled that function many years, and I prize that far more than I exercise existence Prime Government minister. I have always said I am an Orangeman first and a politician and Member of this Parliament afterwards. ... The Hon. Member must think that in the South they boasted of a Catholic State. They however boast of Sourthern Ireland being a Cosmic State. All I avowal is that we are a Protestant Parliament and Protestant State."
Sir James Craig, Unionist Political party, and then Prime number Minister of Northern Ireland, 24 April 1934
Reported in: Parliamentary Debates, Northern Ireland House of Commons, Vol. XVI, Cols. 1091-95.
Quoted in: Bardon, Jonathan. (1992) A History of Ulster. Belfast: The Blackstaff Press. Pages 538-539.
[The remarks above nearly a "Protestant Parliament", and the similar ones below about a "Protestant Government", are often quoted as: 'A Protestant Parliament for a Protestant People', or 'A Protestant State for a Protestant People'.]
"The PRIME Minister [Sir James Craig]: The hon. Member says that all our appointments are carried out on a religious basis. I would like to go into this somewhat fully. The appointments fabricated by the Regime are made as far as we can possibly manage information technology of loyal men and women. Why not? And what objection tin there possibly exist to those who are upholding Ulster as role of the bully British Empire and the United Kingdom, seeing that we have not got saturated through the place those who acquiesce in the policy of the hon. Members contrary, of endeavouring to break down the mechanism of government given to u.s. by the British people? Surely nada could be clearer than that. If a homo is a Roman Catholic, if he is fitted for the task, provided he is loyal to the core, he has as skillful a chance of appointment as anybody else; and if a Protestant is not loyal to the cadre he has no more chance than a similar Roman Catholic.
Mr. O'NEILL: How practice you test their loyalty?
The PRIME Government minister: In that location are ways of finding that out. The hon. Member knows but besides as I do there are ways of discovering whether a human is center and soul in carrying out the intention of the Deed of 1920, which was given to the Ulster people in order to save them from being swallowed up in a Dublin Parliament. Therefore, it is undoubtedly our duty and our privilege, and always will be, to meet that those appointed by u.s.a. possess the nigh unimpeachable loyalty to the Rex and Constitution. That is my whole object in carrying on a Protestant Government for a Protestant people. I repeat it in this House."
Sir James Craig, Unionist Party, so Prime number Government minister of Northern Ireland, 21 November 1934
Reported in: Parliamentary Debates, Northern Ireland House of Commons, Vol. XVII, Cols. 72-73.
'At a meeting in Derry to select candidates for the Corporation Mr. H. McLaughlin said that for the past forty-8 years since the foundation of his firm in that location had been simply one Roman Catholic employed - and that was a case of mistaken identity.'
Mr. H. McLaughlin, Unionist Party, September 1946
Reported in: Derry People, 26 September 1946
Quoted in: Gallagher, Frank. (1957), The Indivisible Isle: The History of the Segmentation of Republic of ireland. London: Gollancz. Page 216.
"The Nationalist majority in the county, i.e., Fermanagh, all the same a reduction of 336 in the yr, stands at 3,684. We must ultimately reduce and liquidate that majority. This county, I recall information technology can be safely said, is a Unionist county. The atmosphere is Unionist. The Boards and backdrop are nearly all controlled by Unionists. But there is still this millstone [the Nationalist majority] around our necks."
E.C. Ferguson, Unionist Political party, so Stormont MP, Apr 1948
Later resigned from Parliament in October 1949 to become Crown Solicitor for Canton Fermanagh.
Reported in: Irish News, xiii Apr 1948
"When information technology is remembered that the first Minister [of Home Affairs], Sir Dawson Bates, held that postal service for 22 years and had such a prejudice confronting Catholics that he fabricated it clear to his Permanent Secretary that he did non desire his about juvenile clerk, or typist, if a Papist, assigned for duty to his Ministry building, what could one expect when it came to filling posts in the Judiciary, Clerkships of the Crown and Peace and Crown Solicitors?"
Mr. G.C. Duggan, Comptroller and Auditor-General in Northern Ireland (1945-49)
Reported in: Irish gaelic Times, 4 May 1967
"Northern Ireland is the ane part of the U.k. which has a written constitution - the Authorities of Ireland Act, 1920. This Deed specifically prohibits the Northern Ireland Parliament from making whatsoever laws which endow one religion or discriminate against another. Whatsoever such Act could be challenged in the courts and ruled to be inoperative. A similar prohibition applies to executive acts.
In effect, the Regime is not entitled to practise what Parliament is not authorised to permit it to do. If there were such illegal actions by the Regime, any person has the right and the opportunity to claiming them before the Courts."
Ulster Unionist Political party (UUP). (1968) Northern Ireland Fact and Falsehood: A frank look at the present and the past, (due north.d.,1968?). Belfast: Ulster Unionist Political party (UUP).
"It is frightfully hard to explain to Protestants that if yous give Roman Catholics a skilful job and a proficient firm. they will alive like Protestants because they will see neighbours with cars and boob tube sets; they volition decline to have eighteen children. But if a Roman Catholic is jobless, and lives in the near ghastly hovel, he volition rear eighteen children on National Assistance. If you care for Roman Catholics with due consider and kindness, they will alive like Protestants in spite of the authoritative nature of their Church ... "
Captain Terence O�Neill, Unionist Party, Northern Ireland Prime Government minister, May 1969
Reported in: Belfast Telegraph, x May 1969
"We are satisfied that all these Unionist controlled councils have used and use their power to make appointments in a way which benefited Protestants. In the figures bachelor for October 1968 only thirty per cent of Londonderry Corporations administrative, clerical and technical employees were Catholics. Out of the x best-paid posts merely ane was held by a Catholic. In Dungannon Urban District none of the Council�south administrative, clerical and technical employees was a Catholic. In County Fermanagh no senior council posts (and relatively few others) were held by Catholics: this was rationalised by reference to �proven loyalty� every bit a necessary test for local authority appointments. In that County, amid about 70-five drivers of school buses, at most seven were Catholics. This would announced to be a very clear case of sectarian and political discrimination. Armagh Urban Commune employed very few Catholics in its salaried posts, only did not appear to discriminate at lower levels. Omagh Urban District showed no clearcut blueprint of discrimination, though we accept seen what would appear to be undoubted evidence of employment bigotry by Tyrone County Quango.
Information technology is fair to note that Newry Urban District, which is controlled by non-Unionists, employed very few Protestants. But two wrongs do non make a right; Protestants who are in the minority in the Newry area, by contrast to the other areas we take specified, do not take a serious unemployment problem, and in Newry at that place are relatively few Protestants, whereas in the other towns Catholics make up a substantial part of the population. Information technology is also correct to note that in recent years both Londonderry and Newry have introduced a competitive examination system in local authority appointments."
Cameron Study, Paragraph 138, 1969
Northern Ireland. Parliament. (1969) Disturbances in Northern Republic of ireland [Cameron Written report], (Cmd. 532), (September 1969). Belfast: HMSO.
"In the first fifty years of the Northern Ireland land there is considerable evidence of just such a broad blueprint of bias. This has been virtually closely examined in relation to local authorities, and at that place is overwhelming evidence that some local regime practised discriminatory employment policy, and allocated the houses under their control in a sectarian fashion and for the electoral advantage of the dominant party. Practices also occurred at the Stormont level which demonstrate a deliberate bias against members of the minority customs. There is a trunk of bear witness that emergency powers were operated in a discriminatory fashion, and that both the administration of justice and the apply of the police strength were subjected to political pressures. Perhaps the clearest instances of all, however, are those relating to public employees and appointments to public bodies. Whether it applied to the employment of dustmen by Fermanagh Canton Council, to promotion in the ceremonious service or to judicial appointments, in that location is a consistent and irrefutable pattern of deliberate discrimination against Catholics."
Darby, John. (1976), Conflict in Northern Ireland: The Development of a Polarised Community. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan.
"The unionist authorities must bear its share of responsibleness. Information technology put through the original gerrymander which underpinned then many of the subsequent malpractices, then, despite repeated protests, did nothing to stop those malpractices continuing. The almost serious accuse against the Northern Ireland government is non that information technology was directly responsible for widespread discrimination, but that it allowed discrimination on such a scale over a substantial segment of Northern Ireland."
Whyte, John. (1983) 'How Much Discrimination was there Under the Unionist Regime, 1921-1968?', in, Gallagher, T., and J. O'Connell (eds.) Contemporary Irish gaelic Studies. Manchester: Manchester University Printing.
CAIN contains information and source cloth on the disharmonize and politics in Northern Ireland.
CAIN is based inside Ulster University.
Source: https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/quotes.htm
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